ባህርያትና የስልጣን ምንጭ፣


⚖️ ባህርያትና የስልጣን ምንጭ   

አስተዳደራዊ ድንጋጌ ማለት ከህግ አውጭው በተሰጠ የውክልና ስልጣን ገደብ ውስጥ በስራ አስፈፃሚውና የአስተዳደር መ/ቤቶች የሚወጣ የበታች ህግ (subordinate legislation) ነው፡፡ በውክልና ህግ ማውጣት የአስተዳደር ህግ አይነተኛ መገለጫ ነው፡፡ የስራ አስፈፃሚው አካል ህግ የማውጣት ስልጣን ከጊዜ ወደ ጊዜ እያደገ መምጣት የነፃ ገበያ ክስተትን ተከትሎ የመጣው ዘመናው የማህበራዊ ደህንነት መንግስት (welfare state) ካስመዘገባቸው እድገቶች መካከል በቀዳሚነት ይጠቀሳል፡፡

በውክልና ህግ ለማውጣት ዋናው የስልጣን ምንጭ ህግ አውጭው እንደመሆኑ የተወካዮች ም/ቤት በማያወላውልና ግልጽ በሆነ መልኩ ስልጣኑን በከፊል ቆርሶ ለሚኒስትሮች ም/ቤት ወይም ለአስተዳደር መ/ቤቶች ካልሰጠ እነዚህ አካላት ከህገ መንግስት የመነጨ የህግ አውጭነት ስልጣን የላቸውም፡፡ የኢ.ፌ.ዲ.ሪ ህገ መንግስት የሚኒስትሮች ም/ቤት ሆነ የአስተዳደር መ/ቤቶች ደንብና መመሪያ እንዲያወጡ በቀጥታ ሆነ በተዘዋዋሪ ስልጣን አይሰጣቸውም፡፡ በፌደራል ደረጃ ህግ የማውጣት ስልጣን የተወካዮች ም/ቤት ሲሆን በክልል ደረጃ ደግሞ የክልሉ ምክር ቤት ነው፡፡ ከዚህ ውጭ ህግ የማውጣት ስልጣን የተሰጠው አካል በህገ-መንግስቱ ላይ የለም፡፡

የውክልና ስልጣን በሌለበት ሁኔታ የሚወጣ ማንኛውም ደንብ ሆነ መመሪያ ከስልጣን በላይ እንደመሆኑ የህጋዊነት መስፈርትን አያሟላም፡፡ በእርግጥ የአስቸኳይ ጊዜ አዋጅ በፓርላማው ፀድቆ ከታወጀ የሚኒስትሮች ም/ቤት ውስን ለሆነ ጊዜ ሲቪል እና ፖለቲካዊ መብቶችን ደንብ በማውጣት ሊገድብ ይችላል፡፡ ከዚህ ውጭ የሚኒስትሮች ም/ቤት በቀጥታ ደንብ ለማውጣት የሚችልበት ህገ መንግስታዊ ስልጣን የለውም፡፡

የስልጣኑ ምንጩ የተወካዮች ም/ቤት ብቻ ነው ከተባለ ይህ አካል ስልጣኑን በከፊል ቆርሶ በውክልና ማስተላለፍ ይችላል? የሚለውን ጥያቄ መመርመሩ ተገቢ ሆናል፡፡ በኢ.ፌ.ዲ.ሪ ህገ መንግስት ላይ ይህን የሚፈቅድለት ግልጽ ድንጋጌ የለም፡፡ ብዙዎች የመስኩ ምሁራን እንደሚስማሙበት ግን ህግ አውጭው ስልጣኑን በከፊል በውክልና ለማስተላለፍ ከህግ አውጭነቱ የሚመነጭ ስልጣን (inherent power) አለው፡፡ እንዲያም ሆኖ ያለገደብ ከህዝብ የተሰጠውን ስልጣን በውክልና ስም ሊያስተላልፍ አይችልም፡፡

በመሰረቱ በውክልና ስልጣን የሚወጣ ህግ ከመንግስት አስተዳደር እየተለጠጠ መምጣት ጋር ተያያዥ የሆኑ አስገዳጅ ሁኔታዎች ያመጡት ክስተት ነው፡፡ ስለሆነም እንደ ልዩ ሁኔታ እንጂ በመርህ ደረጃ ተቀባይነት የለውም፡፡ ህግ አውጭው ምንም እንኳን በከፊል ስልጣኑን ማስተላለፍ ቢኖርበትም የፖሊሲ ጥያቄዎችን የሚነኩ መሰረታዊ ጉዳዮች በደንብ ወይም በመመሪያ እንዲወሰኑ ውክልና መስጠት የለበትም፡፡ የተፈጻሚነቱ ወሰኑ በህግ አውጪው በሚወጣው ህግ ላይ የሚታዩ ቀዳዳዎችን ለመድፈን ብሎም የፖሊሲ ጥያቄዎችን በማይነኩ ዝርዝርና ጥቃቅን ቴክኒካል ጉዳዮች መገደብ አለበት፡፡ ከዚህ አንጻር አፈጻጸሙ በጠባቡ ሊሆን ይገባዋል፡፡


አስፈላጊነት

ብቁና ውጤታማ አስተዳደር እንዲሰፍን የአስተዳደር መ/ቤቶች በህግ የተሰጣቸውን ስልጣን፣ ተግባርና ግዴታ በተጨባጭ ማሳካት ይጠበቅባቸዋል፡፡ ስኬት እንዲኖር ደግሞ የማስፈፀም ስልጣን ብቻውን በቂ አይሆንም፡፡ ጠቅለል ያለ ይዘት ያላቸው በፓርላማ የሚወጡ ህጐች የፖሊሲ አቅጣጫዎችን ከመጠቆም ባለፈ ቴክኒካልና ዝርዝር ጉዳዮችን ስለማይዳስሱ በየጊዜው ለሚነሱ ችግሮች ወቅታዊና ውጤታማ ምላሽ ለመስጠት ይሳናቸዋል፡፡ ስለሆነም አስተዳደራዊ ድንጋጌ የማውጣት ስልጣን አስፈላጊነት ከሁለት አቅጣጫዎች ማለትም ከአስተዳደር ስራ ውጤታማነት እና ከህግ አውጭው ውስንነት አንፃር ሊቃኝ ይችላል፡፡

አስፈላጊነቱ ጎልቶ ቢታይም በመስኩ ሊቃውንት ጠንካራ ተቃውሞ ሳይገጥመው አልቀረም፡፡ እንደ ብዙዎች እምነት የአስተዳደር መ/ቤቶች ህግ የማውጣት ስልጣን በዜጐች መብት ላይ በሩን ዘግቶ ወደ አምባገነናዊነት የሚያመራ አደገኛ አካሄድ ነው፡፡ ተቃውሞው መሰረቱ ንድፈ ሀሳባዊ ሲሆን የስልጣን ኢ-ተወካይነት ንድፈ ሀሳብ (theory of non delegability of power) አንዱ ነው፡፡ በላቲን potestas delegari non potest delegare ተብሎ ሲጠራ በእንግሲዝኛው power once delegated should not be re-delegated የሚል ይዘት አለው፡፡ ይህም ወደ አማርኛ ሲመለስ ‘በውክልና የተሰጠ ስልጣን እንደገና በውክልና ሊተላለፍ አይችልም’ እንደ ማለት ነው፡፡ በአጭር አገላለፅ ህግ አውጭው ህግ የማውጣት ስልጣኑን የሚያገኘው ከመራጩ ህዝብ እንደመሆኑ ይህን በአደራ የተቀበለውን ስልጣን እንደገና (በድጋሚ) በውክልና ማስተላለፍ የለበትም ማለት ነው፡፡a

የህግ አውጭነት የስልጣን ምንጩ ህዝብ ነው፡፡ የአንድ አገር ህዝብ ተወካዮቹን ሲመርጥ ችሎታና ብቃታቸውን መሰረት አድርጐ ‘ያስተዳድሩኛል፤ ለእኔ ይሰሩልኛል፣ ትክክለኛውን ህግ ያወጡልኛል’ በሚል እምነት ጥሎባቸው ነው፡፡ ህግ አውጭው በውክልና በአደራ ከህዝቡ የተቀበለውን ስልጣን በአግባቡ በመገልገል ልማት፤ እድገት፤ ፍትህ፣ መልካም ስርዓትና ሰላም የሚያሰፍኑ ህጐችን ማውጣት አለበት፡፡ ህዝቡ ድምፁን ሰጥቶ ተወካዮቹን ሲመርጥና ስልጣን ሲሰጥ ይህን የህግ አውጭነት ስልጣን ላልተመረጡ ግን ለተሾሙ ስራ አስፈፃሚዎች በውክልና እንዲያስተላልፉት አይደለም፡፡ ከዚህ ሀሳብ በተቃራኒ ስልጣን በውክልና ከተላለፈ ህዝቡ ድምፅ ሰጥቶ ባልመረጣቸው ስራ አስፈፃሚዎች እየተገዛ ነው፡፡

ሁለተኛው የውክልና ህግ ንድፈ ሀሳባዊ ተቃውሞ ከስልጣን ክፍፍል መርህ (separation of powers) የሚነሳ ሲሆን ዞሮ ዞሮ መሰረቱ የአስተዳደር በደል እንዲንሰራፋ ያደርጋል የሚል ነው፡፡ በስልጣን ክፍፍል መርህ መሰረት ህግ ማውጣት ለህግ አውጭው፤ ህግ መተርጐም ለፍርድ ሰጭው፤ ህግ ማስፈፀም ለአስፈፃሚ ተብሎ የእያንዳንዱ የመንግስት አካል ስልጣኑ ተመድቦና ተለይቶ ተሰጥቷል፡፡ አንድ የመንግስት አካል በተደራራቢነት ከአንድ በላይ ስልጣን የያዘ እንደሆነ ከራሱ በላይ ተቆጣጣሪ የሌለው ስልጣኑን እንዳሻው የሚጠቀም አምባገነን ይሆናል፡፡ ስለሆነም ስራ አስፈፃሚው ከተመደበለት ህግ የማስፈፀም ተግባር በተጨማሪ በደንብና መመሪያ ስም ህግ የሚያወጣ ከሆነ ሁለት የመንግስት ስልጣናትን ደርቦ ስለመያዙ ያም የስልጣን ክፍፍል መርህን መጣሱ ግልጽነቱ ጐልቶ የሚታይ ሀቅ ነው፡፡

ከላይ በተጠቀሱት ሁለት ንድፈ ሀሳብ ተቃውሞዎች መሰረት በውክልና የሚወጣ ህግ አስተዳደራዊ አምባገነናዊነት፤ የአስተዳደር ብልሹነት እና በስልጣን አለአግባብ መገልገል እንዲሰራፋ ያደርጋል በሚል ከመስኩ ባለሙያዎች የሰላ ሂስና ትችት ሲገጥመው ቆይቷል፡፡ ለምሳሌ እንግሊዝ አገር ውስጥ ሎርድ ሄዋርት የተባሉ የተከበሩ ዳኛና ምሁር በአገራቸው በየጊዜው በፍጥነት እያደገ የመጣውን የአስተዳደር መ/ቤቶች በውክልና ህግ የማውጣት ስልጣን ‘The New Despotism’ በሚለው መጽሐፋቸው እ.ኤ.አ. በ1931 ዓ.ም. ያቀረቡት ጠንካራ ተቃውሞ የእንግሊዝ ፓርላማ ስለጉዳዩ የሚያጠና አጣሪ እንዲሾምና ምርመራ እንዲያደርግ ምክንያት ሆኗል፡፡b ይሁን እንጂ ከምርመራው በኋላ የቀረበው የምርመራ ሪፖርት (Committee on Ministers’ Powers Report) የደረሰበት ድምዳሜ የውክልና ህግ እንግሊዝ ውስጥ በፍጥነት እያደገ መሆኑን ይህም በመሰረተ ሀሳብ ደረጃ ተቀባይነት እንደሌለው ካተተ በኋላ በተግባር ግን የግድ አስፈላጊና መቅረት የሌለበት አሰራር መሆኑን በአጽንኦት ገልጿል፡፡c

ከላይ የቀረቡት ንድፍ ንድፈ ሀሳባዊ ተቃውሞዎች አሳማኝ የመሆናቸውን ያህል እየተወሳሰበ ከመጣው የመንግስት አስተዳደር ጋር ተያይዘው የሚነሱ ተግባራዊ ምክንያቶች አስፈላጊነቱን አይቀሬና የበለጠ አሳማኝ አድርገውታል፡፡ የአስተዳደር መ/ቤቶች በህግ አውጭው በሚወጡት አዋጆች ላይ ብቻ ተንተርሰው ውጤታማ አስተዳደር ማስፈን አይቻላቸውም፡፡ በተለያዩ አገራት እንደታየው ህግ አውጭው ከሚያወጣቸው ህጐች በበለጠ የአስተዳደር መ/ቤቶች የሚያወጧቸው መመሪያዎች በፍጥነት እየበዙ መጥተዋል፡፡d በየጊዜው እያደገና እየተወሳሰበ የመጣው የመንግስት አስተዳደር ስራና የህግ አውጭው ለዚህ ስራ ውጤታማነት የሚያግዙ ህጐችን በአይነትና በጥራት ለማቅረብ አለመቻል በውክልና ስልጣን የሚወጣ ህግ አማራጭ ሳይሆን የግድ መሆኑን ያሳየናል፡፡

ለዚህም ይመስላል ታዋቂው የአስተዳደር ህግ ምሁር ደብሊው ኤች. አር. ዌድ በውክልና የሚወጣ ህግን “መጥፎ ግን አስፈላጊ” (necessary evil) ሲል የሚገልፀው፡፡e ከህግ አውጭው በሚሰጥ ውክልና ህግ የማውጣት ስልጣንን በተግባር አስፈላጊ ካደረጉት ምክንያቶች መካከል የሚከተሉት በዋነኛነት ይጠቀሳሉ፡፡

የግዜ እጥረት፣

ህግ አውጭው ስልጣኑን በከፊል ቆርሶ በውክልና ለማስተላፍ ከሚገደ`ድባቸው ምክንያቶች አንዱ ከራሱ ከህግ አውጭነቱ የሚመነጭ ችግር ነው፡፡ አንድን አዋጅ ለመደንገግ ከሚወስደው ረጅም ጊዜና ተፈጻሚ ከሚሆነው የጠበቀ የስነ-ስርዓት አካሄድ አንጻር ውስብስብ ማህበራዊና ኢኮኖሚያዊ ችግሮችን ለመፍታት የሚያስችሉ ህጐችን በብዛትና በጥራት ለማውጣት አስቸጋሪ ነው፡፡f የተወካዮች ም/ቤትን ያየን እንደሆነ ከሁለት ወራት የክረምት የእረፍት ጊዜ በኋላ በመካከል ለአንድ ወር ለእረፍት ሲበተን ጠቅላላ የስራ ጊዜው ከዘጠኝ ወራት አይበልጥም፡፡g ከዘጠኙ ወራት ውስጥ ቅዳሜና እሁድ ተቀንሰው በሚቀሩት የስራ ቀናት ባሉት አጭር የስራ ሰዓታት ለአገሪቱ አስፈላጊ አዋጆችን ማውጣት አዳጋች ነው፡፡ የመስኩ ምሁራን እንደሚስማሙበት የአንድ አገር ፓርላማ ለተከታታይ 365 ቀናት ድፍን 24 ሰዓታት በስራ ላይ ቢቆይ እንኳን በብዛትና በጥራት ለአገሪቱ አስፈላጊ የሆኑ ህጐችን ማቅረብ ይሳነዋል፡፡h

በተወሰኑ ዘርፎች የተወካዮች ምክር ቤት ያወጣቸው አዋጆች እና በውክልና የወጡ መመሪያዎች ቁጥር ብናነጻጽር ከጊዜ እጥረት ጋር በተያያዘ ያለውን ችግር በተግባራዊ ምልከታ ለመመዘን ያስችለናል፡፡ ምክር ቤቱ ከ1987 ዓ.ም. ጀምሮ ቀረጥና ታክስ በሚመለከት (ማሻሻያዎችን ጨምሮ) ያወጣቸው አዋጆች በቁጥር ከ25 አይበልጡም፡፡ በዚህ ጊዜ ውስጥ እነዚህን ህጎች ለማስፈጸም በተለያየ ቅርጽና ስያሜ ተዋቅረው በነበሩትና በኋላም ከሐምሌ 2000 ዓ.ም. ጀምሮ ስልጣናቸውን አዋህዶ በተረከበው የገቢዎችና ጉምሩክ ባለስልጣንi በውክልና ስልጣኑ 129j መመሪያዎች ወጥተዋል፡፡ የኢትዮጵያ ብሔራዊ ባንክ እንዲሁ የባንክ፣ የመድን፣ የአነስተኛ ፋይናንስ እና የካፒታል ዕቃ ኪራይ ስራዎችን ለመቆጣጠር ከወጡ ወደ ሰባት የሚጠጉ አዋጆችና በሌሎች ልዩ ህጎች በተሰጠው ስልጣን ከ110 በላይ መመሪያዎችን አውጥቷል፡፡k ሌሎች የአስተዳደር መ/ቤቶች እያንዳንዳቸው በቁጥር ወደ 100 የሚጠጉ መመሪያዎች ባይኖራቸውም ከብዛታቸው አንጻር ጠቅላላ ድምሩ ከ1000 ያልፋል፡፡ በዚህ ላይ የሚኒስትሮች ምክር ቤት እስከ ጥር 2008 ዓ.ም. ድረስ ያወጣቸውን 371 ደንቦች ስንጨምርበት በውክልና ስልጣን የሚወጡ አስተዳደራዊ ድንጋጌዎች ቁጥር ወደ ላይ በጣም ያሻቅባል፡፡

የተወካዮች ምክር ቤት እስከ ነሀሴ 2008 ዓ.ም. ድረስ ካወጣቸው አዋጆች ውስጥ ከግማሽ በላይ የሚሆኑት በአጭር ጊዜ የሚወጡ ዓለም ዓቀፍና የሁለትዮሽ ስምምነቶችና የብድር ማፅደቂያ አዋጆች ናቸው፡፡ ስለሆነም ም/ቤቱ ሁሉንም ደንቦችና መመሪያዎች ራሱ ለመደንገግ ቢወስን በተግባር ሊወጣው አይችልም፡፡

የእውቀት እጥረት፣

የህዝብ ተመራጮች ለመመረጣቸው ምክንያት እውቀት ወይም ብቃት አንዱ መለኪያ ቢሆንም ዋናው መስፈርት ግን በህዝብ ዘንድ ያላቸው አመኔታና ተቀባይነት ነው፡፡ በጠቅላላ ጉዳዮች ጠቅላላ እውቀት ይኖራቸዋል ብለን ብንገምት እንኳን ከመንግስት አስተዳደር ውስብስብነት አንፃር ቴክኒካል በሆኑ ጉዳዮች ላይ የበለጠ እውቀትና ችሎታ ያለው በአስተዳደር መ/ቤቶች ዘንድ ነው፡፡l ስለሆነም ፓርላማው ትኩረቱን በፖሊሲ ጉዳዮች ላይ በማነጣጠር ዝርዝር የአፈፃፀም ስልት የሚጠይቁ ቴክኒካል 

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